Specialist British military bomb disposal teams provide essential training to Ukrainian engineers, equipping them with the skills to clear Russian minefields. Ukraine, currently bearing the unfortunate distinction of being the most heavily mined country globally, has been experiencing a significant slowdown in its military advances due to these mines. Ukraine explicitly requested this specialized training which has been facilitated by British Army sappers combat engineers with firsthand experience in tackling similar challenges, particularly in Afghanistan.

The BBC had the unique opportunity to visit the military base in Poland where this crucial training is taking place. Many of the Ukrainian engineers, such as Denys, have already been tested by battle and possess extensive experience. Denys, who volunteered to fight immediately following Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022, had not left Ukraine since 2021, and this visit to Poland marked his first glimpse of passenger jets overhead in nearly two years.

Denys aptly describes Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) as one of the most perilous jobs worldwide, underscoring the pressing need for more sappers. When asked if he has lost friends while performing this hazardous duty, his eyes well up with tears as he nods. He acknowledges the invaluable assistance provided by his British counterparts but emphasizes Ukraine’s ongoing requirement for additional Western support and equipment to clear the Russian minefields. Denys recognizes that even if the war were to cease immediately, it would still take centuries to eliminate the mines that have been laid by Russia.

Russia has been systematically manufacturing and deploying mines on an industrial scale within Ukraine, resulting in minefields spread over an area equivalent to the size of Florida. These minefields can extend up to 10 kilometers deep, with a single square meter potentially concealing up to five explosives.

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At the military base in Poland, the British EOD experts, representing the 35 Engineer Regiment, have buried and booby-trapped over 20 dummy devices in a field, putting the Ukrainian trainees’ skills to the test as the training course nears completion. These hidden devices include large cylindrical anti-tank mines, smaller anti-personnel mines, bounding mines that spring from the ground and scatter shrapnel widely, and grenades rigged to trip wires.

Additional concealed threats encompass small butterfly mines designed to maim, mines triggered by vibration rather than direct contact, and mines capable of self-activation to evade detection. Russia’s extensive planning and preparation for these weapons have transformed them into a leading cause of Ukrainian casualties and injuries.

Ihor, a seasoned sapper of four years, laments the loss of over 10 members of his team. Each sapper team may need to contend with more than 100 devices daily, often in areas still exposed to Russian artillery and small arms fire, making nighttime operations a safer option.

Russian forces deliberately target Ukrainian sappers to hinder their progress. Ihor explains that the need to advance frequently leaves them with little time to check for booby traps in the mines. Staff Sgt Kevin Engstrom notes that the British are imparting the gold standard of mine clearance to the Ukrainians, which requires time and patience but admits that when facing immediate gunfire threats, a slower approach may not always be feasible.

The threat faced by sappers, as experienced in Afghanistan, continues to evolve. Denys highlights the disturbing trend of discovering booby-trapped bodies of deceased Russian soldiers in liberated areas. The Russians stack anti-tank mines to create larger explosions and place smaller anti-personnel mines atop vehicle mines to trigger bigger blasts. Trip wires are often cunningly concealed in the grass, and mines are sometimes hung from trees with hooks, aiming to ensnare the uniforms and equipment of advancing troops.

Clearing a path through these perilous hidden traps can be painstakingly slow. Ukrainian sappers initially employ Vallons, resembling metal detectors, to create safe routes. Britain has already supplied Ukraine with 1,500 Vallons. When the Vallon alerts them, sappers must painstakingly examine the threat on their hands and knees, requiring meticulous manual work.

Denys, with admiration, watches ants crawling on the ground before spotting a trip wire, jesting, “You guys make it hard.” British trainers are impressed by the speed and precision of the Ukrainian sappers, despite the challenges they face with their equipment.

Making the device safe is not the primary challenge; Ihor was already familiar with the types of mines used by the Russians before the invasion. However, the Russians have been making the disarmament process more intricate. British instructors liken it to solving a puzzle or playing chess.

The true challenge lies in identifying the minefields’ locations and their strategic purposes. These minefields are often deliberately placed to lure in troops who can then be targeted by artillery. Mines are frequently booby-trapped, requiring a meticulous and methodical approach.

This training initiative began only last November, with each course lasting a few weeks and accommodating a limited number of experienced Ukrainian sappers. This underscores the high demand for their skills on the front lines.

In Southern Ukraine, there have been breakthroughs in breaching the initial lines of Russian defenses, but further Russian minefields and other obstacles still stand in their path. Ihor and his team of sappers are well aware of the monumental task ahead but remain resolute, understanding that they have no other choice.

At the very least, the British instructors hope this training will save precious Ukrainian lives in the ongoing conflict.

Hovering above hostile territory, a Ukrainian reconnaissance drone transmits a crystal-clear image to soldiers concealed in a basement several kilometers away. In this image, a Russian armored vehicle leisurely traverses a vital logistics route, seemingly vulnerable amidst the war-torn green landscape, marked by artillery scars.

In an instant, the image vanishes, replaced by a chaotic display of black and white pixels on the drone operator’s screen. A composed commander, known by the battlefield alias Giocondo, permitted The Associated Press to accompany him and his unit of drone operators, but only under conditions of anonymity to safeguard their identities. In the realm of high-tech warfare, the Russians employ electronic beams to disrupt the drone’s signals.

Moments later, the drone operator switches to a frequency less susceptible to Russian interference. The aerial view of the armored vehicle reemerges, and a second drone, loaded with explosives, swiftly takes flight, hurtling toward its target.

Nineteen months into the Russian invasion, amidst an arduous counteroffensive, the Ukrainian government plans to invest over $1 billion to enhance its anti-drone capabilities. Drones, whether for reconnaissance, precision bombing, or self-destructive missions, not only conserve resources but also safeguard the lives of soldiers. They offer greater precision than conventional artillery, which is in short supply, and possess the capacity for impactful actions such as real-time battlefield mapping, neutralizing tanks and ships, and halting Russian advances.

Nevertheless, the advantages of drones can be fleeting. The Russian military, drawing on Iranian expertise for its own formidable fleet of lethal drones, swiftly adapts each time Giocondo’s unit gains an advantage. Giocondo emphasizes that triumph relies on continual adaptation and innovation on the battlefield.

Mykhailo Federov, Ukraine’s Minister for Digital Transformation, asserts that the government is committed to building a cutting-edge “drone army,” with tangible contributions to the war effort expected by year’s end. The nation has already trained over 10,000 new drone pilots this year.

Federov confidently declares, “A new phase of the war will soon commence.”

PERFECT TARGET

Giocondo’s unit operates near the occupied town of Svatove, located in northeastern Ukraine. Over several months, they have diligently adapted drones to enhance their capabilities, enabling them to venture deeper into enemy territory while evading Russian detection and countermeasures.

These dedicated drone pilots are all volunteers, with many lacking any prior military experience before Russia’s invasion.

In a barn bathed in the morning’s gentle glow, a pilot known by the battlefield alias Bakeneko dons a head-mounted display, instantly immersing himself in a flight above lush fields teeming with Russian military vehicles and troops. He aims to guide an explosive-laden drone towards a Soviet-made tank recently pinpointed by a reconnaissance drone.

As he operates, Bakeneko listens to the sounds of the German heavy metal band Powerful in one ear, explaining that he “can’t fly in silence.”

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Near, another soldier, formerly a sales manager in civilian life, readies explosive devices. He secures artillery shells and large batteries using plastic flex cuffs and duct tape, transforming an ordinary commercial drone into a lethal weapon.

Throughout the day, Russian forces to the east hold the advantage of favorable lighting conditions, using their own drones to surveil Ukrainian positions. However, this advantage shifts in the afternoon when Ukrainian drone operators can sometimes discern the moving shadows of Russian infantrymen.

The process of scouring the expansive landscape to locate a target is time-consuming. Russian troops have become adept at concealing themselves amidst the vegetation.

When Bakeneko’s target comes into view, he suddenly commands the remote control, causing the drone to descend rapidly. He witnesses the idyllic countryside closing in through his headset, and then his screen goes blank.

“Excellent, we hit it,” exclaims Giocondo, who watches on a separate screen, revealing a plume of smoke emanating from the tank.

TRIAL AND ERROR

The escalating reliance on short-range explosive drones on the front lines has compelled Ukrainian officials to claim that the Russians are deploying more handheld jamming devices. This development has necessitated Giocondo’s unit and others to devise inventive countermeasures.

After a three-month painstaking process of trial and error, Ukrainian troops stationed in the eastern village of Andriivka, located south of Bakhmut, eventually cracked the code on evading Russian jamming devices that had long hindered their drones. This breakthrough led to the recapture of the village in early September. A spokesperson for the battalion responsible for retaking the village highlighted the pivotal role played by explosive drones, as they compelled the Russians to withdraw heavy weaponry approximately 15 kilometers to remain beyond the drones’ reach.

However, Ukrainian drone pilots know that the Russians will learn from these experiences and adapt again.

“This is an interactive, two-sided competition,” remarks Stephen Biddle, a senior fellow for defense policy at the Council on Foreign Relations.

Since the early stages of the conflict, Russia has employed long-range military-grade drones to inflict devastating damage and instill psychological terror in Ukraine’s capital, Kyiv, and other cities. In response, the Ukrainian military has launched its own military-grade drones, infiltrating deep behind enemy lines to target warships in the Black Sea, an airport in Western Russia, and even buildings in Moscow, as Russian officials and media claimed.

The intensification of short-range drone warfare, as witnessed in units like Giocondo’s, is a direct response to the challenges Ukrainian forces encountered during the summer while attempting to breach Russia’s fortified defenses. The counteroffensive initiated in June has depleted financial resources, artillery, and personnel, failing to yield the anticipated momentum for Ukraine.

Facing these hurdles, the leader of an elite drone unit, the Asgard Group, which oversees Giocondo’s team, identified an opportunity. This leader, a wealthy former businessman operating under the battlefield moniker “Pharmacist,” directed his soldiers to target Russia’s extensive and costly weaponry using small, cost-effective drones.

Pharmacist’s reasoning was straightforward: Explosive drones could be manufactured for roughly $400, whereas a conventional projectile might cost nearly ten times as much. Even when multiple drones were needed to eliminate a single tank, it remained a cost-effective approach. Additionally, this strategy minimized the risk to soldiers’ lives.

However, modifying commercial drones with the necessary hardware and software for battlefield use was a prerequisite. They needed to penetrate deeper behind enemy lines without detection or jamming. A breakthrough occurred by employing multiple drones in coordinated efforts.

With an entrepreneurial spirit, Pharmacists transformed a diverse group of engineers, corporate managers, and filmmakers into an elite fighting force. He estimates that his 12-member team, assembled with just $700,000, has destroyed enemy equipment worth $80 million.

The Russian military, grappling with its own economic and military challenges as the war in Ukraine endures, is also seeking to accelerate its use of drones. While Russia had increased production before its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in early 2021, officials have conceded that they fell short. As Ukraine catches up, reports suggest that Russian shopping centers are being repurposed into research laboratories and drone factories, according to the Institute for the Study of War, a U.S.-based think tank.

As the Pharmacist aptly notes, “The enemy learns very quickly.”

SCALING UP

The Ukrainian government has recognized the grassroots innovation demonstrated by individuals like Giocondo and Pharmacist and is now eager to replicate these efforts with substantial funding.

The proposed budget for 2024 allocates an additional 48 billion hryvnias for defense spending, earmarked explicitly for acquiring drones.

According to experts, one compelling reason to prioritize the enhancement of Ukraine’s domestic drone manufacturing capabilities is the increasing challenge of sourcing components from China, the world’s foremost drone producer.

“We are taking every measure to encourage businesses to invest in the production of various drones,” stated Federov, Ukraine’s Minister of Digital Transformation. He anticipates domestic drone production will surge to a hundred times greater than last year’s. Since March, at least eight new Ukrainian companies specializing in explosive drones have emerged as part of this initiative.

Federov also pointed out that advances in artificial intelligence, which some brigades are incorporating, are likely to further enhance the effectiveness and cost-efficiency of drones in the future.

Nevertheless, certain drone operators approach this enthusiasm with a degree of caution. They harbor doubts about Ukraine’s military culture, which still retains some vestiges of Soviet-era rigidity, adapting quickly enough.

They emphasize that the success of a drone operation isn’t solely contingent on training and procuring drones. The more critical component of the equation lies in scaling up the ingenuity and real-time adaptability demonstrated by units like Giocondo’s.

“It’s a complex interaction within the unit itself,” remarked Pharmacist.

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Susie Blann, an Associated Press journalist, contributed from Druzhkivka.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan indirectly criticized Russia on Sunday, suggesting that his nation’s current foreign security mechanisms are ineffective.

In a nationally televised address, Pashinyan’s remarks indicated a significant shift in Armenia’s foreign policy away from Moscow, where criticism of Armenia has been growing.

Pashinyan stated, “The external security systems in which Armenia is currently involved prove ineffective regarding safeguarding our security and national interests.” This statement came after Azerbaijan’s decisive victory in the contested Nagorno-Karabakh region.

Armenia is a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), a group dominated by Russia and composed of six post-Soviet states. Similar to NATO, this alliance pledges mutual defense in the event of an attack on any member.

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However, Russia, preoccupied with its conflict in Ukraine, declined to assist Armenia during the recent Nagorno-Karabakh crisis, citing Armenia’s recognition of the disputed region as part of Azerbaijan.

“It has become clear to all of us that the CSTO’s mechanisms and the tools of Armenian-Russian military-political cooperation are insufficient for ensuring Armenia’s external security,” Pashinyan observed. He emphasized revising and enhancing Armenia’s foreign and domestic security instruments in collaboration with willing partners.

Pashinyan also advocated for Armenia’s ratification of the Rome Statute, the treaty that established the International Criminal Court (ICC), a body Russia is not a party to. Notably, the ICC has issued an arrest warrant for Russian President Vladimir Putin in connection with his actions in Ukraine.

Pashinyan clarified, “This decision is not aimed at undermining the CSTO and Russia. Rather, it stems from our nation’s interests in external security, and making such a choice is our sovereign prerogative.”